The Deep State and Afghanistan

THE foreign policy mega-blunder that has been unfolding in Afghanistan for the last month has been a crisis that has done the best to unify Americans since 9/11. People on both sides of the aisle are in agreement that Biden goofed up big time with the withdrawal. While some pundits have tried to sugarcoat it, or argue that Biden's error was somehow because of Orange-Man-Bad, the simple fact is that Afghanistan has rapidly turned into a Vietnam 2.0. Numerous years, dollars, and lives later, look at how far we have [not] gotten.

The question on my mind, and of others who have a like-minded perception of the World at-large, is simple, and is given in this article’s title: “Did or didn’t the Deep State have a role to play in this blunder?” How could something this important and large-scale have not have their handprints on it?

Now, upon stating this, some readers might have a ready objection; if not, I’ll provide it for them: This couldn’t have been engineered by them! Losing Afghanistan means losing the opium trade there. Why would they want to lose such an important asset of theirs, the primary reason why military intervention there drug on for so long?

This is a good objection. The Deep State would never shoot itself in the foot; even attacking itself on 9/11 wasn’t self-harm, but worked out to their benefit enormously. However, would it really have shot itself in the foot engineering this? Let us ponder that question for a moment.

Two examples need to be drawn to show how the Fall of Afghanistan could have been engineered: Vietnam and 9/11. As I said earlier, Vietnam is highly comparable to Afghanistan. Both were decades-long wars, fueled by the military-industrial complex, fueling the military-industrial complex, continuously defended by the government, and ended in disaster. The Establishment’s involvement in the Vietnam War is undeniable, yet it ended in disaster, too.

Vietnam ended because the Deep State got what it could out of it. Twenty years had passed, the New Left movement it was backing was maturing and so room needed to be made for its demands. Time was marching on. In the same manner, the war in Afghanistan was becoming obsolete and room for new shadow operations was needed.

9/11 presents the same conclusions. High-profile Deep State assets were proprietors of the Twin Towers’ impact floors. They lost key real estate demolishing those buildings, but hasn’t it worked out in the long run? They are by far less influential than before and by far less successful. 9/11 worked out exactly how they wanted to even though they targeted themselves.

So, we can see how intricate Elite-engineered deep events can be. They can appear suicidal, but they are far from it. Time will tell whether an event is beneficial or perhaps truly uncontrolled for the Deep State. However, perhaps the case with Afghanistan is that this is not truly a forfeiture, but some sort of elaborate bait-and-switch? How? Because, perhaps, we’re not really meant to withdraw.

A number of Establishment-tied voices have already been calling for us to return to Afghanistan. There are also the softcore proponents of this position, who I identify as those who opposed withdrawal efforts under President Trump. These voices are not a few hecklers, but a pretty broad and bipartisan collage of figures.

To start we have Leon Panetta, former head of the thoroughly Deep State CIA and DoD, stating that we will be back sooner or later. The neoconservative commentator Jackson Richman wrote recently for The Washington Examiner that “US forces will return to Afghanistan”. Establishment Never-Trumpers Adam Kinzinger and Mitt Romney have also strongly criticized the Afghanistan withdrawal. Even across the pond “returnism” has been promoted, such as by pro-EU, COVID hypocrite Tobias Ellwood, who is an influential British defense policymaker.

Could these just be the ramblings of a few people, rather than a network of politicians all on the same page? Maybe. However, only time will tell whether or not these seemingly coordinated opinions on Afghanistan will become policy in the near-future.

We now turn to identifying which shadowy assets were involved with Afghanistan and the infernal withdrawal process. Besides the obvious, such as Joe Biden’s administration, we need more specific examples. Namely, those closely involved with the military operations in Afghanistan. These individuals are mostly in the military sphere, such as those involved with Operation Freedom’s Sentinel, but this also will include those bureaucrats closely involved with Afghanistan policy.

First off, we should look at the overall orchestrator of military operations in Afghanistan, which is NATO. NATO commands the Resolute Support Mission, which replaced the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in 2015; both operations were negotiated and formulated by senior diplomats of NATO member-states (important agents of the Deep State). The NATO cartel is a highly suspicious group, and is a very powerful faction of the Deep State. NATO has been condemned for empire-building and war crimes.

NATO is also heavily involved with the Atlantic Council, a hawkish and globalist institute that is essentially the propaganda arm of NATO. The connections of the Council are immense and constitute a Who’s Who? of the global aristocracy. We find names such as Henry Kissinger, Brent Scowcroft, Chas Freeman, Andrew Goodpaster, Joseph Nye, Robert McNamara, Frank Carlucci, Thomas Pickering, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and many others. These are the figures who are involved with NATO, on top of the deep-seated government agents that make up NATO’s unelected bureaucracy.

The original coalition force assembled by NATO was the ISAF, and we can take some time to talk about them. For the several commanders between January 2002 and June 2008 I could not find any real dirt on them. However, we must acknowledge that during this timeframe, under their supervision, the Afghan opium trade exploded again, despite an international effort against it. In 2008, the second American commander of the ISAF was appointed, General David McKiernan, who, at the end of his year-long tenure, was replaced because of the worsening situation in Afghanistan under his belt; however, as we learned earlier the “worsening situation” was actually beneficial, as it kept the opium trade going on for longer.

About a year after McKiernan entered David Petraeus, a career general (who are equivalent to their public sector counterparts, the career politicians) who – interestingly – was given command over the CIA following his time at the ISAF, replacing the aforementioned Leon Panetta (as he had been made the Secretary of Defense). Following Petraeus, and the final ISAF Commander I’ll mention, was John R. Allen, who, despite being embroiled in a sex scandal, remained a functionary of the Obama administration until late-2015. He then became a senior fellow (currently President) of the liberal Establishment Brookings Institution, and was a hawkish sponsor of Hillary Clinton at the 2016 DNC.

So, while the ISAF was not home to many questionable personalities, it still let the opium trade spiral out of control under its watch and had a few Establishment functionaries come and go. Petraeus and Allen are the biggest examples of how deep politics were involved with the ISAF; the overall control of the USAF by the military-industrial complex is our best (though more indirect) evidence, too.

After the ISAF came the Resolute Support Mission, which was the primary force behind the War on Afghanistan from late-2014 until the disastrous withdrawal. Resolute Support had four commanders (all American), and three of them are worth looking into.

The first commander was John F. Campbell. Campbell was the executive officer to U.S. Army Chief of Staff Peter Schoomaker, a career general with a close relationship to decades-long Washington bureaucrat (and Bush’s SecDef) Donald Rumsfeld, indicated by Schoomaker’s willingness to come out of retirement at Rumsfield’s behest. Since June 2016, a month after his resignation from the military, Campbell has been an agent of the military-industrial complex, serving as a board member of BAE Systems, Inc. and IAP.

Succeeding Campbell in March of 2016 was an even more clearly Establishment-tied persona: John W. Nicholson Jr. Nicholson’s father, John W. Nicholson, was a career general, too. More importantly is John W. Nicholson Jr.’s uncle, Robert J. Nicholson, who is a member of the Republican Establishment (having been RNC Chair from 1997 to 2001, until Bush employed him between 2001 and 2007). Robert Nicholson is a fellow of the globalist Chamber of Commerce (described by scholar Peter Dale Scott as “one of the most powerful lobbies in the country”), a senior counselor at the “national juggernaut” lobbying firm Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, and – for several years now – a foreign agent of Saudi Arabia. What a colorful portfolio.

The third Resolute Support commander of note is the final commander, Kenneth McKenzie. McKenzie is the most relevant of the commanders because he was actively involved in the withdrawal process, the botching of which being why we are even discussing this in the first place. McKenzie, in the past, has also worked with the Aspen Institute, an Establishment think tank of such lofty connections I will need to discuss them at another time. McKenzie also worked to manufacture a diplomatic crisis with Iran from 2019-2020 (the fixation on Iran is part of the decades-long Deep State neocolonial enterprise in the Middle East, driven by oil and other resources).

McKenzie’s dirty deeds don’t end here, however, and there are a few more we can analyze. On August 26, jihadi Abdul Rehman (who had just spent four years in CIA custody), suicide-bombed the Kabul airport, causing over 300 casualties, including 31 Americans. The interesting thing is that hours before this bombing occurred, the Pentagon (this includes McKenzie) was aware that Abbey Gate, the location of the bombing, being high-risk, yet did not take steps to secure or close it. The official explanation is that the British military had accelerated its evacuation, but this is silly because, as Politico reported, “the U.K. evacuees had not yet arrived when the attack occurred”; the way I see it, the idea that a group of experienced generals/strategists did not even think of simply closing the Gate until the British arrived is beyond silly.

After this event, the military launched a drone strike on August 29 in retaliation. The target, supposedly someone ISIS-affiliated, ended up not being an ISIS jihadi (nor a hospital) but a civilian vehicle full of ten people, seven of which were children. What is disturbing about this is that General McKenzie admitted that they were aware this strike killed civilians within “four to five hours” after it happened. Most disturbing is that McKenzie’s boss, treacherous Joint Chiefs Chairman Mark Milley, stated THREE WHOLE DAYS after the attack (so long after the Pentagon learned of their booboo) that it was a “righteous strike”. How sick can you be?

At this my dirt on McKenzie runs out, but this is more than enough for someone to raise their eyebrows instinctively at the mention of “Kenneth McKenzie”. War crimes, fatal mismanagement, and think tank connections, these are some very important elements of a Deep State actor.

Now, we are nowhere near done analyzing the military agents behind the War in Afghanistan, the American operation there, and its withdrawal. The ISAF and Resolute Support Mission and their commanders were on the NATO side of the equation. From a purely American standpoint, the military operation to focus on is Operation Freedom’s Sentinel. Freedom’s Sentinel involves a few of the same and different individuals, but diversifies when we examine the entity in control of it: USCENTCOM.

McKenzie overlaps with this, as while he was Resolute Support’s commander for nearly two months, he has been USCENTCOM’s commander since March 28, 2019. Before McKenzie there was Joseph Votel, who had a two-decade-long career as a military officer by the time of his replacement. Votel, before coming to USCENTCOM, worked for several years at U.S. Special Operations Command, ending up as USSOCCOM’s commander in 2014. USSOCCOM is very well-connected to the CIA, the maestro of American special operations. In his post-military career, Votel has proven himself to be an asset of the military-industrial complex by joining the Sierra Nevada Corporation, Noblis, and the CIA-, CFR-, and MIC-connected groups Business Executives for National Security and the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs.

Then we have Lloyd Austin, who was USCCENTOM commander from 2013 to 2016, a year of that overlapping with Operation Freedom’s Sentinel. You should recognize Austin, since he’s now our Secretary of Defense and has gotten himself into some controversy. Even before Afghanistan, Austin gained notoriety for fumbling the ball in Syria; a half-billion-dollar recruitment program in Syria overseen by Austin only recruited 54 people, and out these only “four or five” remained in the fight. Of course, messing up in Syria is also beneficial, because in this day and age of interventionism military failures don’t mean “pull out” but “send in even more troops and materiel to effect a regime change”.

Austin is also implicated in the Abbey Gate suicide bombing mentioned earlier. He was one of several military leaders to have foreknowledge and do nothing about the CIA-imprisoned jihadi. However, before we look into his present misdoings, let us focus on the fact that Austin is actually the only career general mentioned thus far to come out of rather than go into the military-industrial complex. Austin was employed by military-industrial titan Raytheon within four months of leaving the military, and has received over $1 million from this job. Raytheon has also benefited in return to the tune of a $49 million contract from the Pentagon just after Austin’s confirmation as SecDef. Finally, Austin was a board member of Nucor, a steer supplier to arms companies such as Oshkosh Defense, which is producing 50,000 Humvees; interestingly enough, the Afghan disaster that Austin’s fingerprints are all over left 20,000+ Humvees in the hands of the Taliban.

Since becoming SecDef, like his colleague Mark Milley, Austin has proven himself very well to be an agent of a cultural Marxist/subversive agenda. Over 200 retired military leaders have realized this, and are calling for the duet to resign. Austin, a painfully obvious affirmative action appointment, has made racial justice and BLM-like talking points an important aspect of his DoD. U.S. Space Force officer Matthew Lohmeier was quickly fired for speaking out against this.

The Austin DoD has also been promoting Islamic activism and anti-islamophobia, which – again – makes sense considering the rise of Islamo-leftism. A number of Muslim activists were recruited to take part in this circus. Among these activists, a number of connections to prominent Islamic organizations can be found. Among these, the terrorism-linked CAIR and Muslim Brotherhood.

You know what the funniest part of this far-left Department of Defense is? The active, serious promotion of SATANISM in order to…promote the COVID-19 vaccine? …A-Alright. That’s a bit eye-opening, I must admit. Helps out my belief in the international Satanic power elite.

Now, we have finished; no, not the article, but our analysis of the military leaders in Afghanistan. The ISAF, the first multinational force in Afghanistan, while lacking clear signs of dirt in its first few years makes up for it by being responsible for the resurgence of opium production under their watch. The overall clear involvement of the Deep State in instigating the War in Afghanistan is enough. Then, we get some clearer signs as we look into Petraeus and Allen, and once we hit Resolute Support our PoIs explode with three of four commanders having very interesting backgrounds. Our final look was into USCENTCOM, the ultimate U.S. military authority over Afghanistan, Resolute Support, and Freedom’s Sentinel.

Now, while this might all seem like enough, there is one last place to look. While we have taken a look at the military hierarchy of Afghanistan, we must acknowledge that in the United States there is a parallel civilian hierarchy in the military. This is why we have a Secretary of Defense (usually civilian) and Chief of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (usually military). Supervising Afghanistan since 2008 has been the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, or SIGAR for short.

SIGAR has been headed for years now by John Sopko. Sopko is not solely of interest because in 2014 he spoke at the [aforementioned] Atlantic Council, but because of his connections to several other groups of interest:

·       He has spoken multiple times since 2013 at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. The CSIS has been home to a number of high-profile Deep State actors such as Henry Kissinger (listed as a trustee since 2017 at the earliest; has written for it since 2005), Zbigniew Brzezinski (decades-long member), and Brent Scowcroft (two decades of service).

·       Sopko has also been invited a few times to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, first in 2014 and then in 2016. He also, however, spoke at a CEIP conference all the way back in 1997.

·       For fifteen years, Sopko worked for the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. During this time, the Subcommittee was chaired by long-time Senator Samuel Nunn, and Sopko has stated that working under him helped “prepare [him] for my current job.” Nunn has been a member of: the Aspen Strategy Group since 2013, a subsidiary of the Aspen Institute that includes names such as Brent Scowcroft (already mentioned), Madeleine Albright, Joseph Nye, Robert Blackwill (ten-year Henry Kissinger Senior Fellow on U.S. Foreign Policy at the CFR), and many more; the notorious Bilderberg Conference (in ’96 and ’97, so while Sopko was working for him); the CFR (I cannot tell since when exactly, however, although he is certainly a member and has cooperated with it since 2007); and the Center for Strategic and International Studies, as chairman (yes, the same CSIS Sopko is closely involved with, too).

Sopko, by the admission of his webpage at SIGAR, “has more than 30 years of experience in oversight and investigations as a prosecutor, congressional counsel and senior federal government advisor.” This makes him a very well-connected government agent, which we can see the fruits of above. Sopko, before coming to SIGAR, was a partner at the massive international law firm Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, well-known for its connections to Capitol Hill. Akin Gump was set up by FBI agents Robert Strauss and Richard Gump in Dallas, Texas; during this time period, of the 1940s on, Texas was a major Deep State milieu, a fact I can discuss for a while, but which would end up being its own article (in the meantime, this article should suffice as an introduction).

Now that we understand who John F. Sopko is, we must now learn what John F. Sopko did. Back in 2019, The Washington Post received thousands of pages of declassified documents showing that “U.S. officials failed to tell the truth about the war in Afghanistan.” Hundreds of individuals were named and interviewed in these documents, showing how vast the understanding was that [within the government] that Afghanistan was a failure. Sopko stated that the three-year delay in releasing the documents was not suppression, but “because he has a small staff and because other federal agencies had to review the documents to prevent government secrets from being disclosed.”

Could this really be the case? Well, by his own admission back in 2017 to Chatham House (see PDF, page 2) he has a team of nearly 200 “auditors, investigators, and other professionals” under his watch. Is this a valid argument? I do not think so, since 200 is a very large workforce which could definitely get a lot of work done quickly. However, even if this was the case, if Sopko was indeed a “firm [believer] in openness and transparency” and really wanted the public to know what was going on in Afghanistan, why not have these interviews open and transparent form day one, steadily releasing new batches on a regular basis? No, instead, Sopko waits until late-2019, by which time Trump was negotiating peace with the Taliban, striking the Deep State operation in Afghan in the heart.

I know, this has been a lot to take in. I have been listing a lot of names, places, groups, events, and other information for a while now. However, what you need to understand is simple: A good number of people tied to both the military and civilian supervision of the Afghan War have quite suspect backgrounds with first- or second-degree ties to Deep State agencies and actors. From the CIA and CFR, to the military-industrial complex, CSIS, Kissinger & Associates, and other cabals, there is a lot of Deep State gunk in the gears of the Afghan operation.

I believe when we consider two things: the contributions to the intensity of the War on Terror by the Afghan War, and the contributions to the Deep State drug trade by the Afghan War, Afghanistan is very clearly a Deep State operation. Whether or not the withdrawal from Afghanistan is a ruse, as discussed earlier, it does not matter. Either this will be used to humiliate non-interventionism and rejuvenate hawkism, or the Deep State is about to molt. The immense overlap of structural deep events in the past decade – such as COVID-19, climate change, the Biden administration, and the anti-capitalist movement – seems to indicate that we are approaching H-Hour. Perhaps this is why the year 2030 seems to be popping up a lot lately.

Take this information how you may. Time will tell what the truth is. Nonetheless, I believe we have established with a good amount of confidence that there is more to the Afghan operation than we are being showed. The Afghan opium trade is the biggest piece of evidence for that. Major events do not happen nowadays, and haven’t happened for over a century, without the foreknowledge, involvement, or engineering by the Deep State. Remember that.